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PROCEEDINGS 


SENATE  4ND  ^SSEMSLY 


£>i*U  of  ^Ttcip  ^$ork, 


IN    RELATION   TO    THE    DEATH    OF 


REUBEN   E.   FENTON, 


HELD    AT    THE 


Capitol,  April  2  7,  1887. 


DOCUMtHiS  DEPARTMENT 
JAN  1  J  k53 

UNIttKSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


ALBANY: 

WEED,  PARSONS  AND  COMPANY 

1887. 


Pncn^cnf.ft  Dat>t, 


\H 


%n  ^Xtnxoxwm. 


PROCEEDINGS 


Legislature  sf  the  State  ef  New  Yerk 


ON    THE    DEATH     OF 


(^3c-(S)ov>crnor  Qfteuben  ©.  ^fcnton. 


IN  ASSEMBLY  : 

March   18,   1886. 

Mr.    Batcheller  offered,  for  the  consideration 
of  the   House,  resolutions  in  the  words  following- : 

Whereas,  REUBEN  E.  FENTON,  who  died  at  his  home 
in  Jamestown,  Chautauqua  county,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day 
of  August  last,  was,  for  many  years,  a  Representative  in  Con- 
gress, and  for  two  successive  terms  Governor  of  this  State, 
and  afterward  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  had 
occupied  other  important  posts  of  trust  in  his  own  country, 
and  as  a  representative  of  the  National  Government  upon 
a   special    mission  in   Europe  ;   and 

Whereas,  During  his  extended  and  honorable  public 
career,    he    achieved    great    distinction    for    himself    and    ren- 

3 


dered  enduring  service  to  the  State  and  to  the  Nation, 
especially  by  his  loyal  and  unremitting  devotion  to  the  vol- 
unteer soldiers  of  the  Republic  during  the  eventful  and 
trying  period  of  the  Rebellion;    and, 

Whereas,  It  is  becoming  that  the  State  should  place 
upon  its  public  records  its  appreciation  of  such  distin- 
guished sons,  and  express  a  fitting  tribute  to  their  memory; 
therefore,  be  it 

Resolved  (If  the  Senate  concur),  That  in  the  death  of  ex- 
Governor  REUBEN  E.  FENTON,  the  State  has  lost  an 
exalted  patriot  and  a  distinguished  citizen. 

Resolved,  That  the  name  of  REUBEN  E.  FENTON  shall 
be  inscribed  upon  the  archives  of  the  State  as  one  of  the 
honored  statesmen  of  the  Republic. 

Resolved,    That    these    proceedings    be  entered    upon    the 

Journals   of    the    Senate    and    Assembly,  and    that    a    copy 

thereof,  duly  engrossed,  be  presented  to  the  respected 
widow  of  the  deceased. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  do  now  adjourn. 

Mr.  Speaker  put  the  question  whether  the 
House  would  agree  to  said  resolutions,  and  they 
were  unanimously  adopted  by  a  rising  vote. 

IN  SENATE: 

March  25,   1886. 

The  Assembly  sent  for  concurrence  the  fol- 
lowine    resolution: 

Whereas,  REUBEN  E.  FENTON,  who  died  at  his  home 
in    Jamestown,    Chautauqua    county,   on    the  twenty-fifth    day 

6 


t 


of  August  last,  was,  for  many  years,  a  Representative  in  Con- 
gress, and  for  two  successive  terms  Governor  of  this  State, 
and  afterward  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  had 
occupied  other  important  posts  of  trust  in  his  own  country, 
and  as  a  representative  of  the  National  Government  upon  a 
special  mission  in  Europe;  and 

Whereas,  During  his  extended  and  honorable  public 
career,  he  achieved  great  distinction  for  himself  and  ren- 
dered enduring  service  to  the  State  and  to  the  Nation, 
especially  by  his  loyal  and  unremitting  devotion  to  the  vol- 
unteer soldiers  of  the  Republic  during  the  eventful  and 
trying  period  of  the  Rebellion  ;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  becoming  that  the  State  should  place 
upon  its  public  records  its  appreciation  of  such  distin- 
guished sons,  and  express  a  fitting  tribute  to  their  memory  ; 
therefore,  be  it 

Resolved  (If  the  Senate  concur),  That  in  the  death  of  ex- 
Governor  REUBEN  E.  FENTON,  the  State  has  lost  an 
exalted  patriot  and  a  distinguished  citizen. 

Resolved,  That  the  name  of  REUBEN  E.  FENTON 
shall  be  inscribed  upon  the  archives  of  the  State  as  one  of 
the  honored  statesmen  of  the  Republic. 

Resolved,    That    these   proceedings   be  entered    upon    the 

Journals   of    the    Senate   and    Assembly,  and    that    a    copy 

thereof,  duly  engrossed,  be  presented  to  the  respected 
widow  of  the  deceased. 

On    motion    of    Mr.    Vedder,    and    by   unani- 
mous   consent,     the     resolutions     were    made     a 


special    order     for     Monday     evening,     April     5, 

1886. 

IN  SENATE: 

April  5,  1886. 

The  President  announced  the  special  order 
of  the  day,  being  the  Assembly  resolutions 
relative    to    the    death    of    Reuben    E.   Fenton. 

Mr.  Vedder  offered,  in  connection  therewith, 
the    following    resolution: 

Resolved  (If  the  Assembly  concur),  That  a  committee  of 
three  he  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  a  like 
committee  on  the  part  of  the  Assembly,  to  select  an  orator 
and  to  name  a  day  for  the  delivery  of  an  oration  on  the 
life  and  character  of  the  late  Hon.  REUBEN  E.  FENTON, 
and  to  make  all  needful  preparations  therefor. 

The  President  put  the  question  whether 
the  Senate  would  agree  to  said  resolutions,  and 
they  were  unanimously  adopted  by  a    rising  vote. 

The  President  appointed  as  such  committee 
on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  Messrs.  Vedder, 
Fassett    and    Parker. 

IN  ASSEMBLY: 

April  6,   1886. 

The  Senate  returned  the  concurrent  resolution 
relative  to  the  death  of  Reuben  E.  Fenton, 
with  a  message  that  they  have  concurred  in 
the   passage   of   the  same. 


legislative  proceedings. 


The  Senate  sent  for  concurrence  a  resolution 
in  the  words  following: 

Resolved  (if  the  Assembly  concur),  That  a  committee  of 
three  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  a  like  com- 
mittee on  the  part  of  the  Assembly,  to  select  an  orator  and 
to  name  a  day  for  the  delivery  of  an  oration  on  the  life  and 
character  of  the  late  Hon.  REUBEN  E.  FENTON,  and  to 
make  all  needful  preparations  therefor. 

The  President  appointed  as  such  committee 
on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  Messrs.  Vedder, 
Fassett  and   Parker. 

Mr.  Speaker  put  the  question  whether  the 
House  would  agree  to  said  resolution,  and  it 
was  unanimously  adopted. 

Mr.  Speaker  appointed  as  such  committee 
on  the  part  of  the  Assembly,  Messrs.  Batch- 
eller,  Cheney  and  J.  Haggertv. 

Ordered,  That  the  Clerk  return  said  reso- 
lution to  the  Senate,  with  a  message  that  the 
Assembly  have  concurred  in  the  passage  of  the 
same. 

IN  SENATE: 

April  6,   1886. 

The  Assembly  returned  the  Senate  resolution 
that    a   committee  of  three  be  appointed   on   the 


^icgijstativ*  ^wm&xvi0. 


part  of  the  Senate  and  a  like  committee  on 
the  part  of  the  Assembly,  to  select  an  orator, 
and  to  name  a  day  for  the  delivery  of  an  ora- 
tion on  the  life  and  character  of  the  late  Hon. 
Reuben  E.  Fenton,  and  to  make  all  needful 
preparation  therefor,  with  a  message  that  they 
have  concurred  in  the  passage  of  the  same,  and 
have  appointed  as  such  committee  on  the  part 
of  the  Assembly,  Messrs.  Batcheller,  Cheney 
and  James  Haggerty. 

IN  SENATE: 

April  14,  1887. 

Mr.    Vedder    offered    the    following: 

Whereas,  A  joint  committee  on  the  part  of  the  Senate 
and  Assembly  was  appointed  during  the  session  of  1886,  to 
select  an  orator  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  life  and  charac- 
ter of  the  late  REUBEN  E.  FENTON  ;  and 

Whereas,  The  Honorable  Chauncey  M.  Depew  was 
chosen  such  orator ;    therefore, 

Resolved  (if  the  Assembly  concur),  that  Wednesday,  April 
28,  1887,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  be  the  time,  and 
the  Assembly  Chamber  the  place  for  the  said  obsequies. 

Resolved,  That  the  Assembly  be  requested  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  confer  with  the  Senate  committee  to  perfect 
further  arrangements  for  the  above-named  ceremonies. 

The    President   put   the  question   whether  the 
10 


legislative  groctriUnns. 


Senate    would    agree   to    said    resolution,    and    it 
was  decided  in   the  affirmative. 

IN  ASSEMBLY: 

April   14,   1887. 

The  Senate  sent  for  concurrence  a  resolution  in 
the  words  following  : 

Whereas,  A  joint  committee  on  the  part  of  the  Senate 
and  Assembly  was  appointed  during  the  session  of  1886  to 
select  an  orator  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  life  and  charac- 
ter of  the  late  REUBEN  E.   FENTON;  and 

Whereas,  The  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew  was  chosen 
such  orator  ;  therefore 

Resolved  (if  the  Assembly  concur),  That  Wednesday,  April 
27,  1887,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  be  the  time,  and 
the  Assembly  Chamber  the  place  for  the  said  obsequies. 

Resolved,  That  the  Assembly  be  requested  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  confer  with  the  Senate  committee  to  perfect 
further  arrangements  for  the  above-named  ceremonies. 

Mr.  Speaker  put  the  question  whether  the 
House  would  agree  to  said  resolution,  and  it 
was  determined   in    the   affirmative. 

Mr.  Speaker  appointed  as  such  committee 
on  the  part  of  the  Assembly,  Messrs.  Erwin, 
Platt,   Frost,   Sheehan  and  Dickey. 

Ordered,  That  the  Clerk  return  said  resolu- 
tion to  the  Senate,  with  a  message  that  the 
Assembly  have  concurred  in  the   passage   of  the 

1 1 


^CcgMativc  |>vo feedings. 


same,    and  have    appointed    a   like    committee    on 
the    part    of    the    House. 

IN  ASSEMBLY: 

April  27,   1887. 

The  Assembly  Chamber  held  another  dis- 
tinguished audience  this  evening,  when  the 
legislative  exercises  in  memory  of  the  late 
ex  Governor  Reuben  E.  Fenton  were  held. 
Many  members  of  the  Senate  and  Assem- 
bly, and  State  officers,  with  their  wives, 
were  present.  The  space  back  of  the  Speaker's 
desk  was  draped  with  the  American  colors,  in 
the  center  of  the  festoon  being  a  portrait  of 
Governor  Fenton.  Senator  Commodore  P. 
Vedder  called  the  assemblage  to  order,  and 
Speaker  Husted  was  chosen  to  preside.  Prayer 
was  offered  by  the  Rev.  Walton  W.  Batter- 
shall,  D.  D.,  of  Albany,  after  which  the  orator 
of  the  evening,  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew, 
delivered  a  characteristically  eloquent  address 
on  the  life,  character  and  services  of  Governor 
Fenton.  Among  those  present  from  James- 
town, N.  Y.,  the  home  of  the  late  Governor, 
were  Mayor  O.  F.  Price,  R.  E.  Fenton,  Jr., 
the  only  son  of  the  deceased,  F.  E.  Gifford 
and  Albert  Gilbert,  Jr.,  sons-in-law  of  Gov- 
ernor   Fenton. 


12 


Remarks    of    Senator    Vedder  : 

Citizens  and  Members  of  the  Legislature  : 

You  know  the  purpose  for  which  we  have  met.  A  great 
man,  in  the  fullness  of  honor,  has  fallen  in  the  midst  of  his 
people.  To  his  virtues,  manliness  and  genius  we  bear  wit- 
ness in  this  formal  manner,  and  to  his  memory  we  pay  the 
respect  of  a  public  funeral.  A  noble  friendship,  victorious 
over  death,  will  attest,  and  eloquent  lips  will  tell  to-night 
the  inspiring  story  of  his  eventful  life.  In  this  behalf,  I  am 
instructed  by  the  joint  committee  of  the  two  Houses  to 
name  a  gentleman  to  preside  who  is  himself  a  distinguished 
statesman,  and  who  was  the  friend  of  him  whose  life  and 
services  we  are  met  to  commemorate,  and,  in  obedience  to 
such  instruction,  I  have  the  honor  to  introduce  the  Honor- 
able James  W.   Husted,  of  Peekskill,  N.  Y. 

Speaker  Husted,  upon  taking  the  chair,  was 
received  with  hearty  applause.  He  spoke  as  fol- 
lows : 

Gent/en/en  of   the  Legislature: 

We  are  met  to  do  honor  to  the  memory  of  one  of  the 
Great  War  Governors  of  New  York,  and  to  pay  the  fitting 
meed  of  Praise  to  the  distinguished  dead.  As  representa- 
tive, executive  and  senator,  he  reflected  upon  the  State  the 
greatness  and  nobility  of  his  genius  and  his  patriotism. 
You  have  chosen,  as  his  orator,  the  one  of  all  others,  who, 
by  reason  of  his  personal  gifts  not  only,  but  as  well  from 
his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  subject  of  his  eulogy, 
is  eminently  qualified  to  recount  in  glowing  words  his  deeds 
and  fame.  I  take  great  pleasure  in  presenting  to  you  the 
Honorable    Chauncey    M.    Depew. 


is 


MEMORIAL  ADDRESS 


BV 


Hon.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW 


I 


%\tt  Address. 


Gentlemen    of    the    Senate    and   Assembly    of    the 
State   of  Nezv    York: 
New    York     has     as    a    rule     been     remarkably 
fortunate     in     her     Governors.       Many    of    them 
have    been  statesmen  of    national  and  command- 
ing-   influence.       Two    of    them    have    served    as 
Presidents    and    two    as    Vice-Presidents    of    the 
United   States,  and   two   others  were   the   choice 
of    their    party   for  the  Chief    Magistracy  of    the 
Republic.      Their   influence    upon   the   policy  and 
course    of    government    has    been    potential.      It 
is   proper    in   this    place   to   speak   only   of    those 
who     have     joined     the     majority     beyond     the 
o-rave.       There     is     no     more     heroic     figure     in 
revolutionary    annals    than    our    first    Governor, 
Georo-e     Clinton.       Within     an     hour     after     his 
inauguration    he    was    marching    to    the    post    of 
duty   and    danger    in    front    of    the    enemy.      His 
obstinate    courage,    wise    generalship    and    great 
popularity,    did    much    to    keep    New    York,    full 
as   the    colony  was  of    royalists,    loyal   to   liberty 
and    the    Continental    Congress.     John    Jay    did 

17 


t 


more  than  any  one  save  Alexander  Hamilton 
to  bind  the  discordant  colonies  into  a  har- 
monious confederacy.  DeWitt  Clinton  by  his 
foresight  and  energy  made  New  York  the  Em- 
pire State,  and  her  chief  city  the  commercial 
metropolis    of   the    continent. 

Martin  Van  Buren  for  nearly  a  quarter  of 
a  century  was  the  actual  ruler  of  the  Repub- 
lic, through  his  control  and  management  of 
the  dominant  party,  and  he  gave  political 
form  and  substance  to  the  anti-slavery  senti- 
ment. William  L.  Marcy,  United  States  Sen- 
ator and  twice  a  Cabinet  Minister,  has  left 
an  indelible  impress  upon  the  history  of  his 
time.  Silas  Wright  ranks  among  our  ideal 
statesmen.  He  possessed  the  loftiest  character 
and  most  signal  ability.  His  ambitions  were 
always  subordinated  to  the  public  welfare. 
He  could  calmly  lay  aside  the  certainty  of 
the  Presidency  when  his  duty,  as  he  under- 
stood it,  called  him  to  serve  in  more  hazard- 
ous but  minor  fields,  and  he  was  in  every 
sense  a  modern  Cincinnatus.  The  name  of 
William  H.  Seward  will  be  among  the  few 
of  his  generation  which  will  survive  in  coming 
ages.  He  was  the  political  philosopher  of 
his  period  who  alone  of  his  contemporaries 
grasped    the    full     meaning     and     inevitable     re- 


18 


^dtlwsi. 


suit  of  the  vast  moral  questions  which  agi- 
tated the  country.  His  matchless  genius  for 
affairs  and  unruffled  judgment  in  the  midst 
of  trial  and  danger  kept  that  peace  with  the 
world  without,  which  alone  enabled  nationality 
to  win  its  victory  within.  His  speeches  and 
state  papers  will  be  the  exhaustless  treasury 
from  which  the  statesmen  of  the  future  will 
draw  their  best  lessons  and  inspiration.  Within 
our  immediate  memory  the  tablets  upon  our 
o-ubernatorial  mausoleum  recall  the  public  ser- 
vices  of  John  A.  King,  John  A.  Dix,  Edwin 
D.  Morgan,  Horatio  Seymour,  Reuben  E. 
Fenton  and  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  No  other 
State  has  been  governed  by  an  equal  number 
of  men  of  national  influence  and  fame.  It  is, 
therefore,  eminently  proper  and  wise  that  the 
Leoislature  should  commemorate  and,  by  im- 
posing  ceremonial,  perpetuate  the  history  and 
characters    of    its    departed   Chief    Magistrates. 

EARLY     TRIALS     AND     SUCCESSES. 

The  one  in  whose  honor  we  are  here  assem- 
bled worthily  ranks  with  the  best  of  his  prede- 
cessors in  office.  Repeated  and  long-continued 
promotions  to  places  of  trust  by  popular  suf- 
frage are  cumulative  evidence  of  merit  and 
distinction.      The    opportunity  to   rise  from  hum- 

19 


ble    station    to     lofty    positions    is    the    common 
heritage  of    all,  but  they  only  successfully  climb 
the  slippery  and  perilous  ascent,  gathering  fresh 
strength    at  each  station    for    bolder  efforts,  who 
are    easily    the    leaders    of    their    fellows.       The 
early    settlers    of    Western     New    York    were    a 
hardy  and    enterprising    race,   and    their  children 
roughing    it    in    log    cabins,  forest    clearings   and 
frontier    experiences,  were    by  heredity  and  edu- 
cation   State    builders.     They  created    farms  out 
of    the    wilderness,    formed    communities    and  or- 
ganized   crovernment.       It    is    easier    for    a    man 
of    ability    to    get    on     in     a     new    country    and 
with    fresh    surroundings,   than    in    the    neighbor- 
hood   where    he    was    born.       Where    everyone 
has     known     him     from     childhood     he     often,  is 
handicapped    by    the     unforgotten     frivolities     of 
youth,    and    reaches    middle    life    before    he    has 
outorown     the     feeling    that    he     is    still     a    boy, 
while    as    a    new    settler    he    starts    at     once    at 
the  level    of    his  ascertained    capabilities.       It    is 
the    peculiar    distinction    of    Mr.    Fenton    that  he 
overcame     these     prejudices    before     he    was     of 
age  ;    that   he    became   the    choice    of    his   fellow- 
citizens     for    positions    of     trust    as    soon    as    he 
obtained    his    majority,    and    passing    his    life    at 
his    birthplace,     he     earned,    at     a    period    when 
most    young    men    are    unknown,    the    confidence 


20 


of    the   people    among  whom    he  had    grown   up, 
and     carried     it    with     him     to     his     grave.       He 
saw  Western    New  York    expand    from    the    for- 
est    into     one     of     the     most     beautiful,     highly 
cultivated    and    richest    sections    of     the     State, 
teeming     with     an      intelligent     and     prosperous 
population,    which    had     founded    cities,     formed 
villages,    erected    schools,   endowed    colleges  and 
planted    by    every    stream    flourishing    manufac- 
tories,    and     he     remained     throughout    all     this 
growth,    and    until    his    death,    the   foremost  and 
most  distinguished  citizen.      He  was  seven  times 
Supervisor   of   his   town,   and   three   times   Chair- 
man    of    the    County    Board,    for    five    terms    a 
member    of    Congress,    twice    Governor    of    this 
great    State,    United     States    Senator,     and    the 
choice    of    New   York   for   Vice-President   in   the 
convention  which  first  nominated  General  Grant. 
This    proud    career   was    not    helped    by    acci- 
dent,   or    luck,    or    wealth,    or    family,    or    power- 
ful   friends.       He    was    in     its    best    sense    both 
the    architect    and    builder   of    his    own    fortunes. 
When    a    lad    of   seventeen    his    father    failed    in 
business,    and   the   boy   dropped    his    studies    and 
professional    aspirations    to    support    the    family 
and     retrieve     its     credit.       Self-reliant    but    pru- 
dent,    courageous     but     cautious,     his     audacity 
subject     to     reason,     he     quickly     measured     his 


21 


^drtrfjtf. 


powers   and   then   boldly   struck    out    for   himself. 
He    traversed    the   virgin    forests,    selecting   with 
unerring    judgment    the    most    productive    tracts, 
and    for    years    following,    his    life    was    spent    in 
logging   camps    and    piloting  his    rafts   down   the 
Allegheny    and    Ohio     rivers.      The    adventures, 
exposure    and    perils    of    the    work   gave   him   an 
iron    constitution    and    knowledge    of    men,    and 
developed    his    rare     capacity    for    business.      An 
omniverous    and    intelligent    reader,    he    became, 
by   the   light   of    blazing    fires    in    the    forest   and 
pine     knots     in     the     cabin     on     the     rafts,     well 
educated    and    widely    informed.      At    thirty-one 
he    had    paid   his    father's    debts    and     secured    a 
comfortable      competence      for     himself.        Then 
came   the    inevitable   internal    struggle   with   him- 
self  of  the   man   who   has   early  in   life  achieved 
an    independence.       He    feels    his     strength,    the 
ardor    and    fire    of    vigorous    manhood    enlarge 
his    vision,    and    he    sees    no     limits    to    his    am- 
bitions.     The    divergent   roads   to    untold   wealth 
on    the    one    side,    or    honors    and    fame    on    the 
other,    are    before    him,    and   to    lead   the    crowd, 
his    best     energies    will    be    required    for    which- 
ever  path   he    selects.      Mr.    Fenton    determined 
to   devote    his    future   to   the   public    service   and 
henceforward     his     life    became     identified     with 
the    historv    of    his    times. 


22 


^Mttffli. 


A  LEADER  OF  THE  NEW  PARTY. 

He  had  always  been  a  Democrat,  but  the 
great  question  which  was  to  destroy  the  Whig 
and  divide  the  Democratic  party,  met  him  at 
the  outset  of  his  congressional  career.  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  had  introduced  into  the  bill  or- 
ganizing  the  territories  of  Kansas  and  Ne- 
braska, a  section  repealing  that  portion  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  of  1820,  which  forever 
prohibited  slavery  in  the  new  territories  lying 
north  of  latitude  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty 
minutes.  In  a  moment  the  whole  country  was 
aflame.  The  slumbering  conscience  of  the 
Nation  awoke  with  an  energy  which  rocked  pul- 
pits, and  revolutionized  colleges.  The  oration, 
the  tract  and  the  madly  exciting  novel  were 
potent  forces  in  the  storm.  The  young  con- 
gressman must  choose  and  at  once  between  his 
convictions  and  the  caucus.  He  did  not  hesi- 
tate. He  was  never  afraid  of  his  beliefs,  and 
faith  and  courage  with  him  always  stood 
together.  His  maiden  speech  was  for  the 
inviolable  preservation  of  the  boundaries  so 
solemnly  set  by  a  former  generation  to  the 
encroachments  of  slavery.  It  was  the  first 
speech  made  from  either  side  in  the  House  of 
Representatives   against    the    pending   crime.      It 

23 


T 


M&xm. 


was  made  by  a  member  of  the  Party  then  dom- 
inant in  the  government,  and  its  clear  notes  of 
independence  and  defiance  rallied  about  him  a 
determined  band  of  young  democratic  represen- 
tatives. From  that  day  he  was  one  of  the 
leaders  in  the  formation  and  afterwards  in  the 
conduct  of  the  Republican  party.  When  Mr. 
Seward  announced  the  death  of  the  Whig  and 
christened  the  young  party  —  Republican,  and 
when  at  its  first  State  Convention  there  frater- 
nized under  that  name,  old  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crats, Barnburners  of  '48,  Free-Soilers  and 
Liberty  Party  men  of  the  days  of  Martyrdom, 
Reuben  E.  Fenton  was  unanimously  elected  as 
their    presiding    officer. 

It  is  difficult  now  to  realize  the  duties  and 
responsibilities  of  a  member  of  Congress  during- 
the  civil  war.  He  was  investigating  estimates 
and  making  appropriations  of  such  appalling 
magnitude,  that  he  had  no  precedents  to  guide 
him  and  no  standards  for  comparison.  Amidst 
the  tension  and  strain  of  great  battles,  of  vic- 
tories and  defeats,  of  the  result  oft  times  in 
doubt  and  the  Capitol  itself  frequently  in  peril, 
he  was  uprooting  by  legislation,  wrongs  and 
abuses  which  had  been  embedded  in  the  con- 
stitutions, the  laws,  the  decisions  of  the  Courts, 
as  well  as  the    approving   judgment   of    the  peo- 


24 


pie  since  the  formation  of  the  government,  and 
preparing  for  the  reconstruction  of  a  new  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  old  Republic.  Fundamental 
principles  of  human  rights  were  pressing  for 
immediate  and  final  settlement,  while  the  car- 
nage, slaughter  and  suffering  without  and  the 
financial  and  administrative  perils  within  the 
Capitol  were  unparalleled  in  the  experience  of 
nations.  But  widely  known  and  with  a  sym- 
pathetic heart  he  was  counselor,  friend  and 
brother,  for  the  mother  searching  for  her  dead, 
for  wives  looking  for  loved  ones  left  wounded 
upon  the  field,  for  parents  seeking  furloughs 
for  their  boys  in  the  hospital,  that  they  might 
carry  them  home  and  tenderly  nurse  them  back 
to  life  and  health,  and  by  the  soldier's  bedside 
he  gave  relief,  encouragement  and  strength,  or 
received  the  dying  message  and  the  last  em- 
brace to  be  tenderly  borne  to  mourning  and 
broken  households  in  the  peaceful  valleys  of 
the  distant  North.  There  were  many  men  in 
Congress  of  commanding  eloquence  and  great 
power  in  debate,  who  received  general  atten- 
tion and  applause,  but  Mr.  Fenton  did  not 
excel  in  either  of  these  more  attractive  fields. 
He  was  a  man  of  affairs,  one  of  those  clear- 
headed, constructive  and  able  business  mana- 
gers,   whose     persistent    industry,    comprehensive 


2S 


%Mtt$& 


grasp  of  details  and  power  to  marshal  them 
for  practical  results,  made  him  invaluable  in 
committee  where  legislation  is  perfected  and 
all-important  measures  are  prepared.  The  peo- 
ple rarely  know  the  debt  they  owe  to  the 
careful,  plodding,  alert  members,  who  cease- 
lessly working  in  the  committee  rooms,  with 
no  reporters  to  herald  their  achievements  and 
no  place  in  the  "Congressional  Record"  for 
their  work,  detect  frauds  and  strangle  jobs, 
mould  crudities  into  laws  and  develop  the 
hidden  meaning  and  deep-laid  schemes  of  skill- 
ful and  deceptive  amendments,  ascertain  the 
needs  of  government  and  devise  the  statutes 
for  meeting  them.  They  are  the  reliance  of 
the  cabinet  minister  and  the  safety  of  parlia- 
mentary government.  There  are  always  three 
classes  of  Congressmen  ;  the  leaders  who  or- 
ganize the  forces  of  the  administration  or 
opposition,  and  by  speeches  profound  or  mag- 
netic give  opinions  to  their  party  and  educate 
the  country  to  its  views ;  the  able  and  con- 
scientious committeeman  and  watchful  member, 
and  the  drones  whose  public  usefulness  is  lost 
between  yawns  and  naps.  Mr.  Fenton  was 
an  ideal  representative  of  the  second  type, 
with  some  of  the  qualities  of  the  first.  He 
mastered    his    subject    so    thoroughly  -and  under- 


26 


stood  so  well  the  causes  and  effect  of  pending 
issues,  that  his  calm  and  lucid  statements 
made  him,  upon  the  floor,  a  strong  ally  and 
a  dangerous  enemy.  His  speeches  upon  pen- 
sions, internal  improvements,  the  regulation  of 
emigration,  the  payment  of  bounties,  the  re- 
peal of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  the 
financial  measures  for  carrying  on  the  war, 
and  funding  the  national  debt,  attest  the  ex- 
tent of  his  acquirements  and  the  wisdom  of 
his    views. 

But  his  distinction  during  this  period  was, 
that  he  came  to  be  pre-eminently  recognized 
as    the    "  Soldiers'    Friend." 

The  bill  to  facilitate  the  granting  of  fur- 
loughs and  discharges  to  disabled  soldiers  ; 
the  bill  to  facilitate  the  payment  of  bounties 
and  arrears  of  pay  due  wounded  and  deceased 
soldiers,  and  bills  granting  pensions  and  those 
making  the  applications  for  them  easy  and 
inexpensive,  were  among  the  results  of  his 
patriotic  and  thoughtful  interest.  He  kept 
lonely  vigils  by  the  hospital  cots  at  night, 
and  by  day  was  ceaselessly  and  tirelessly  tramp- 
ing from  the  War  and  Navy  Departments  to 
the    Executive    Mansion. 

The  New  York  Soldiers'  Aid  Society,  in 
recognition    of    his    eminent    fitness    and    meri- 

27 


SMdvwiis. 


torious  services,  elected  him  its  president,  and 
the  beneficent  work  of  that  society  is  recorded 
in  grateful  hearts  and  registered  by  happy  fire- 
sides all  over  our  State.  When  as  governor 
he  welcomed  home  the  returning  regiments  of 
the  disbanded  army,  the  formal  words  of  his 
official  proclamation  spoke  the  sentiments  which 
had  guided  his  actions.  "Soldiers,"  said  he, 
"  your  State  thanks  you  and  gives  you  pledge 
of  her  lasting  gratitude.  You  have  elevated 
her  dignity,  brightened  her  renown  and  en- 
riched her  history.  The  people  will  regard 
with  jealous  pride  your  welfare  and  honor, 
not  forgetting  the  widow,  the  fatherless  and 
those  who  were  dependent  upon  the  fallen 
hero." 

GOVERNOR     OF     NEW     YORK. 

The  Presidential  canvass  of  1864  was  one 
of  the  most  interesting  in  our  history.  The 
radical  element  in  the  Republican  party  had 
nominated  a  ticket  after  denouncing  President 
Lincoln  because  he  was  too  slow  and  conserv- 
ative. Governor  Horatio  Seymour,  while  voic- 
ing the  thought  of  the  Democratic  National 
Convention,  in  one  of  the  most  able  and 
masterly  of  speeches,  as  its  chairman,  had  de- 
clared    that   Mr.       Lincoln's     administration     had 


sUtlUcSSu 


been  a  series  of  costly  and  bloody  mistakes, 
and  under  his  guidance  the  war  had  been,  and 
would  continue  to  be,  a  failure.  To  carry 
New  York,  Mr.  Seymour  accepted  a  renomi- 
nation  for  Governor,  and  entered  upon  the 
canvass  with  his  accustomed  vigor  and  elo- 
quence. Whether  we  differ  from  or  sustain 
his  political  opinions,  we  must  all  admit  that 
Horatio  Seymour  was  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant and  attractive  of  our  New  York  states- 
men. The  purity  of  his  life,  his  unblemished 
character,  his  commanding  presence,  and  his 
magnetism  upon  the  platform,  made  him  the 
idol  of  his  party  and  the  most  dangerous  of 
opponents.  It  was  vital  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
his  administration,  and  to  Mr.  Seward,  the 
chief  of  his  cabinet,  that  New  York  should 
sustain  them  and  repel  these  charges.  To  meet 
this  emergency,  and  conduct  this  campaign, 
Reuben  E.  Fenton  was  nominated  by  the  Re- 
publican Convention  for  Governor.  The  wis- 
dom of  the  choice  was  speedily  apparent.  Mr. 
Fenton's  unequalled  abilities  as  an  organizer 
were  felt  in  every  school  district  in  the  Com- 
monwealth, and  when  the  returns  showed  the 
State  carried  for  Lincoln,  and  Fenton  leading 
by  some  thousands  the  Presidential  vote,  the 
new     Governor     became     a    figure     of     national 

29 


miteiS. 


importance.  Within  four  days  after  his  inaug- 
uration he  raised  the  last  quota  of  troops 
called  for  from  New  York,  with  this  stirring 
appeal  :  "  Having  resolutely  determined  to  go 
thus  far  in  the  struggle,  we  shall  not  falter 
nor  hesitate  when  the  rebellion  reels  under 
our  heavy  blows,  when  victory,  upon  all  the 
methods  of  human  calculation,  is  so  near.  Be- 
lieving ourselves  to  be  inspired  by  the  same 
lofty  sentiments  of  patriotism  which  animated 
our  Fathers  in  founding  our  free  institutions, 
let  us  continue  to  imitate  their  bright  example 
of  courage,  endurance  and  faithfulness  to  prin- 
ciple in  maintaining  them.  Let  us  be  faithful 
and  persevere.  Let  there  be  a  rally  of  the 
people    in    every    city,    village    and    town." 

A  few  months  afterwards  the  happy  lot  and 
unique  distinction  came  to  him,  following  the 
surrender  at  Appomattox,  of  being  among  the 
immortals  who  will  always  live  as  the  War 
Governors  of  our  civil  strife ;  who  in  Thanks- 
giving Proclamations,  returned  to  Almighty 
God  the  devout  acknowledgments  of  a  grate- 
ful people  for  the  end  of  war  and  bloodshed, 
and  the  victory  of  Unity  and  Nationality.  That 
he  carried  the  State  for  his  party  at  each 
recurring  annual  election  during  his  two  terms 
as    Governor    proves    the    popularity    of    his    ad- 

so 


ministration  and  his  skill  as  an  organizer.  By 
temperament  and  training  he  was  admirably 
fitted  for  executive  position.  No  one  ever 
understood  better  the  peculiarities  and  sur- 
roundings of  men.  He  was  apparently  the 
most  amiable  and  conciliatory  of  public  offi- 
cers, but  never  yielded  an  essential  point. 
He  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  rare 
faculty  of  satisfying  applicants  and  petitioners 
without  gratifying  them.  The  immense  State 
and  local  indebtedness  following  the  war,  the 
wild  speculations  incident  to  an  unstable  cur- 
rency, and  the  perilous  condition  of  public 
and  private  credit  he  thoroughly  understood, 
and  with  great  sagacity  and  judgment  devoted 
his  powers  to  removing  the  dangers  and  pre- 
paring for  the  storm.  He  gave  the  State 
what  it  most  needed  after  the  drain  and  de- 
moralization of  the  civil  war,  a  wise  business 
government.  So  profoundly  impressed  was  the 
convention  which  met  at  Syracuse  in  1868, 
to  send  delegates  to  the  National  Convention 
at  Chicago,  with  the  strength  of  his  adminis- 
tration that  it  unanimously  and  enthusiastically 
instructed  the  delegates  to  present  his  name 
for  Vice-President,  and  for  five  ballots  in  that 
memorable  contest  he  was  second  on  the 
poll. 

31 


%AAxm, 


SENATOR     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES. 

Senator  Morgan  realized,  when  it  was  too 
late  to  either  gracefully  retire  or  to  avert 
defeat,  that  the  power  which  Thurlow  Weed 
had  held  for  thirty  years,  and  upon  which  he 
relied,  had  passed  away  and  the  Governor 
had  become  the  master  of  the  party  forces 
in  the  State.  Governor  Fenton  became  easily 
the  choice  of  the  Legislature  as  Mr.  Mor- 
gan's  successor,  and  entered  the  Senate  at  a 
period  when  measures  were  pending  which  he 
thoroughly  understood,  and  in  their  solution 
could  render  most  valuable  and  enduring  ser- 
vice. The  bent  of  his  mind  was  towards 
financial  and  business  subjects,  and  the  debt, 
taxation,  the  currency,  banking  and  revenue 
were  the  pressing  problems  of  the  hour.  No 
measures  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion have  had  such  permanent  and  beneficial 
influence  upon  the  growth  and  prosperity  of 
the  country  as  the  acts  relating  to  finance 
from  1869  to  1875.  The  national  credit  was 
impaired,  the  interest  upon  the  debt  was  exor- 
bitant and  threatened  the  gravest  complica- 
tions, and  fiat  money  induced  the  wildest 
speculation  followed  by  its  natural  sequence, 
general     bankruptcy     and     business     suspension. 

32 


%Mv$$#. 


With    rare    courage    and    wisdom    Congress    de- 
clared   that    all    the    obligations    of    the    Govern- 
ment   should    be    paid    in    gold.       Instantly    the 
shattered    credit    of    the    Republic    was    restored 
and    its   securities    advanced    in    all    the    markets 
of    the    world.     Taking   advantage   of    this  good 
name    and    reputation,     bills    were    passed    fund- 
ing   the    debt    at    a    rate    of    interest    so    much 
reduced     that    a    burden     of    over    fifty    millions 
of     dollars    a    year    was     lifted    from     the     tax- 
payers.      Commerce,    manufactures    and    all     in- 
dustries   soon     responded    to    this    great    relief, 
and     the     stability     and     healthy     expansion     of 
the   vast  business   of   the   country   were    assured. 
But   steady   and   reputable    occupations,    and   the 
inauguration   and    completion   of   the   enterprises 
which  were  in  the   years    to  come  to  develop  in 
such    a    rapid    and    limitless    way    our    exhaust- 
less    resources,  were    impossible    with   a    fluctuat- 
ing   and    uncertain    currency.      The    full    fruition 
of   this    grandest    scheme    of    finance   of    modern 
times    came  with  the    resumption  of   specie   pay- 
ments.     That   the   losses   and  destruction   of  the 
civil    war    have     been     regained,     repaired     and 
forgotten  ;      that     the     Republic     is     many    fold 
richer    in    every    element    of    wealth,    prosperity 
and    promises    for    the    future,  are    due    to    the 
wise  foresight  which  prepared  and  perfected  this 


33 


harmonious  and  interdependent  system.  While 
Senator  Fenton  did  his  full  share  and  occupied 
an  honorable  place  in  this  grand  and  states- 
manlike work,  he  originated  and  promoted 
with  all  his  ability,  thoroughness  and  persist- 
ence the  abolition  of  the  moiety  methods  of 
collecting  the  revenue.  The  evils  had  long 
been  apparent,  but  no  one  had  the  boldness  to 
attack  them.  They  originated  when  the  young 
Republic  was  too  poor  to  pay  adequate  salaries, 
and  continued  until  the  enormous  receipts  at 
the  customs  eave  to  the  revenue  officers  a  for- 
tune  each  year  and  retired  them  with  large 
wealth.  They  were  intrenched  in  the  cupidity 
of  incumbents  and  the  hopeful  dreams  of  aspi- 
rants. Those  in  possession  and  those  who 
expected  to  be  in  the  ever -varying  tides  of 
political  fortunes  were  alike  hostile  to  a  change. 
The  system  was  fecund  in  spies,  informers  and 
perjurers,  and  merchants  were  at  the  mercy  of 
legalized  blackmail.  The  final  triumph  of  this 
beneficent  reform  will  be  remembered  to  his 
lasting   honor. 

FENTON     AND     GREELEY. 

No  record  of  Governor  Fenton's  life  would 
be  complete  which  failed  to  give  the  facts  of 
his  separating  from  his   party  for  one   campaign, 

34 


T 


and    no    memorial   honest  which    ignored    its  dis- 
cussion.     He    supported     the    Republican    candi- 
dates  with  all    his    might  from   the  formation  of 
the    party  till    his   death,   with    the    single   excep- 
tion   of    his    vote    for    Mr.    Greeley;    before    this 
event    bringing    into    the    canvass    all    the   forces 
of    the  organization  then   under  his    control,  and 
after  it,  returning  again  within  the  regular  lines, 
and    giving    his     whole    time     and    influence     for 
the     success     in       each     succeeding     canvass     of 
Hayes,  of  Garfield  and  of  Blaine.      No  oreaniza- 
tion    was  either  large    enough  or    elastic  enough 
to  hold    in    harmonious  relations    and  views   two 
such    opposite,     original     and    positive     men     as 
General   Grant   and    Horace   Greeley.      All  condi- 
tions   in   the  beginning  conspired    to    urge   Gree- 
ley to    independent    action,   as  in   the   latter   part 
of    his   canvass   they  united  for   his  defeat.      The 
rise    of    his    tidal  wave,   until    a  vast    majority  of 
the  voters   were  apparently  drawn    into    the  cur- 
rent,  and   then    its  sudden    collapse,   followed  im- 
mediately  by    his    sleepless    watching    for    weeks 
by  the    bedside    of    his    dying   wife,    brain    fever, 
delirium    and   death,   form    one   of    the    most  dra- 
matic episodes  and  romantic   tragedies  in  Ameri- 
can   politics.      Mr.    Greeley   delighted    in    polemi- 
cal   controversy,    but    he    hated    war.      For    more 
than  a  quarter  of   a  century  this   strong  thinker 


35 


and  master  of  the  most  vigorous  English  had 
furnished  opinions  to  and  done  the  thinking  for 
vast  masses  of  his  fellow -citizens.  In  the  anti- 
slavery  movement,  in  the  struggle  for  temper- 
ance legislation,  in  all  moral  reforms  he  was  the 
most  potent  factor  of  his  generation.  Shocked 
and  outraged  beyond  restraint  when  the  first 
shot  was  fired  at  the  flag,  he  demanded  that 
the  rebel  soil  be  plowed  with  cannon  balls 
and  sown  with  salt,  and  his  clarion  notes  rang 
through  the  land  like  a  trumpet  blast  calling 
all  loyal  men  to  arms.  But  when  he  thought 
he  saw  a  prospect  of  peace  with  slavery  abol- 
ished, he  recoiled  appalled  from  further  blood- 
shed   and    cried    halt. 

Unlike  most  strong  natures,  he  harbored  no 
resentments  and  was  incapable  of  revenge. 
When  the  rebellion  was  crushed  he  went  upon 
the  bail  bond  of  Jefferson  Davis,  as  a  protest 
against  death  penalties  and  confiscations,  and  in 
the  hope  of  amnesty,  reconciliation  and  broth- 
erly reunion  upon  the  basis  won  by  our  victory 
in  the  war.  He  so  impressed  and  imbued 
Abraham  Lincoln  with  his  views  that  only  the 
assassination  of  the  President  prevented  their 
public  announcement.  He  had  been  a  devoted 
follower  and  passionate  lover  of  Henry  Clay, 
and   three  times  had  seen   him    set  aside  for  the 


36 


availability  of  military  popularity.  While  most 
cordially  conceding  to  General  Grant  position  as 
the  foremost  Captain  of  his  time,  Mr.  Greeley 
mistrusted  his  administrative  ability  in  civil 
affairs,  feared  the  result  of  his  inexperience  and 
intensely  disliked  his  advisers.  To  President 
Grant,  on  the  other  hand,  the  great  editor 
seemed  something  more  and  little  less  than  an 
inspired  crank.  After  the  unfortunate  results  of 
some  of  the  temporary  and  tentative  State 
administrations  in  the  South,  Mr.  Greeley  con- 
ceived the  idea  that  if  the  late  rebels  and 
slaveholders  could  be  induced,  in  return  for  the 
full  restoration  of  their  State  governments  and 
universal  amnesty,  to  accept  the  amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  the  freedom  and  citizenship  of 
the  slave,  the  inviolability  of  the  debt  and  all 
the  results  of  the  war,  with  hearty  loyalty  to 
the  flag  waving  over  a  Republic  reconstructed 
on  these  conditions ;  and  as  hostage  for  their 
faith  would  take  as  their  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent a  life-long  abolitionist  and  Republican,  the 
problem  of  reconstruction  and  peace  would  be 
solved  at  once.  Responding  to  this  idea  the 
world  beheld  the  amazing  spectacle  of  these 
people,  in  convention  assembled,  solemnly  de- 
claring that  the  obligations  of  the  Republic  to 
the    abolition    of    slavery,    to    the    civil    and    po- 


37 


litical  rights  of  the  freedmen,  to  the  honest 
payment  of  the  national  debt,  to  the  repudia- 
tion of  rebel  loans,  and  to  pensions  to  Union 
soldiers,  were  unalterable  and  sacred,  and  then 
nominating  for  President  one  who  had  said 
more  harsh  and  bitter  things,  and  through  his 
writings  and  speeches  done  more  effective  work 
for  the  overthrow  of  all  their  principles  and 
traditions,  than  any  man  living  or  dead.  That 
the  South,  without  giving  the  evidences  of 
repentance  then  promised,  has  been  granted 
and  now  enjoys  even  more  than  Mr.  Greeley 
proposed,  is  the  answer  of  the  succeeding  po- 
litical generation  to  the  fierce  assaults  made 
at  the  time  upon  his  theory  and  anticipations. 
That  a  large  majority  of  his  party  associates  were 
converted  to  his  hopeful  view  at  first,  and 
many  followed  him  to  the  end,  was  natural, 
when  the  movement  was  inspired  and  led  by 
so  masterful  and  commanding  an  intellect  which 
had  braved  defeat  and  death  for  the  rights  of 
men,  and  been  always  the  first  of  the  for- 
lorn hope  of  liberty  and  reform,  in  the  as- 
sault upon  the  almost  impregnable  positions  of 
wrong,  immorality  and  oppression  for  over  a 
quarter  of  a  century.  That  he  was  defeated 
and  General  Grant  elected,  the  backward  view 
over    the   events  since    1872,   which    is    not    diffi- 


38 


cult  for  most   men    to    safely    and    correctly   take, 
proves   to    have   been   a   wise    and    fortunate   re- 
sult.      He    was     killed    by    his    defeat.       I    stood 
near    as     the    clouds    began     to    gather    in    that 
active    and    mighty   brain.      He    thought    that    a 
life     unselfishly     given     to     mankind    would     be 
judged    a    failure     by     posterity,     and     that    the 
fame    which    he     had    hoped     would     rest    upon 
the    praise    and    gratitude     of    the     humble    and 
oppressed,    was    already    permanently  injured    by 
the   prejudices  and  distrust  aroused   in    them   by 
the  calumnies  of  the  canvass.     Though  his   con- 
troversies    filled     the     land,     this     great     fighter 
for    the     truth     as    he     understood    it,     was    the 
most    morbidly   sensitive    of    mortals,   and    weak- 
ened   by    the     sleepless     strain    of    the     struggle 
and    domestic   affliction,    his    reason  and  life   suc- 
cumbed   to    ridicule   and   misrepresentation.      We 
have   seen    death    in    many   forms,    and    for  most 
of    us    it    has    lost   its   terrors,    but    to    witness    a 
great  mind  suddenly  break   and  go  out  in   help- 
less   and    hopeless    darkness    was     the     saddest 
scene     I     ever    saw,    and    its    memory    is     as    of 
the  most  painful  of  tragedies. 

Horace  Greeley  was  the  last  of  that  famous 
triumvirate  of  editors,  Greeley,  Bennett  and 
Raymond,  whose  genius  and  individuality  sub- 
ordinated   the    functions    of    a   great    newspaper 


89 


to  the  presentation  of  their  opinions  and 
characteristics.  Their  journals  were  personal 
organs,  but  of  phenomenal  influence.  The  vigor 
of  Mr.  Greeley's  thought  and  the  lucidity  of 
its  expression,  carried  conviction  to  the  minds 
of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people,  and  he 
was  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  the 
greatest  individual  force  in  the  country.  He 
was  so  honest  and  terrifically  in  earnest,  so 
right  in  his  motives  and  pure  in  his  principles, 
that  like  the  spots  upon  the  sun,  his  mistakes 
made  more  evident  the  loftiness  of  his  pur- 
poses. His  motives  were  so  transparent  that 
his  errors  and  eccentricities  increased  his 
strength,  and  even  when  wrong,  he  inspired 
more  confidence  than  is  reposed  in  most  men 
when  they  are  right.  He  made  and  unmade 
more  reputations  than  any  writer  in  the  land. 
His  untimely  death  hushed  all  hearts.  Presi- 
dent and  Cabinet,  generals  and  soldiers,  Gov- 
ernors and  Congressmen,  friends  and  foes,  the 
mighty  and  the  humble,  gathered  at  his  bier, 
and  the  nation  mourned  as  never  before  for 
the  loss  of  a  citizen  in  private  station. 

Mr.  Fenton  had  acted  with  Mr.  Greeley 
since  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party. 
They  had  been  the  closest  of  personal  and 
political     friends.       They     consulted    freely    and 


40 


%A&xt#$, 


often    on     all    questions     and     continued    in    full- 
est accord  on  party  measures  and  policies. 

After  the  dissolution  of  the  famous  partner- 
ship of  Seward,  Weed  and  Greeley,  Fenton 
cast  his  fortunes  with  the  junior  member  of 
the  firm.  His  faith  in  Greeley  and  constant 
contact  with  his  aspirations  and  views  led  to 
his  full  agreement  with  the  opinions,  and  his 
fidelity  to  giving  a  cordial  support  to  the  am- 
bitions of  his  friend. 

PRIVATE      LIFE     AND      CHARACTER. 

After  retiring  from  the  Senate,  Governor 
Fenton  continued  active  and  deeply  interested 
in  the  success  of  his  party,  but  was  never 
again  a  candidate  for  office.  President  Hayes 
sent  him  abroad  in  1878  as  Chairman  of  the 
Commission  to  the  International  Monetary  Con- 
vention to  fix  the  ratio  of  value  between  gold 
and  silver,  and  provide  for  their  common  use. 
But  his  health  had  become  impaired  by  the 
strain  of  a  busy  and  stormy  life,  and  contin- 
ued precarious  until  his  sudden  death  while  sit- 
ting at  his  office  desk.  The  Governor  and  State 
officers,  and  a  great  multitude  of  people,  repre- 
senting the  affection  and  respect  of  a  large 
constituency,  gave  additional  significance  and 
solemnity    to    the    last    tributes    to    his    memory. 

41 


gMrwfei. 


Reuben  E.  Fenton  was  remarkable  for  the 
full,  rounded  character  of  his  mind  and  dis- 
position. No  matter  how  fiercely  the  storm 
raged  about  him  he  was  always  serene  and 
unmoved.  Though  it  was  his  fortunes  which 
were  at  stake,  he  was  the  calmest  of  the 
combatants.  He  was  the  most  affable  and 
approachable  of  men,  and  yet  until  he  acted 
none  knew  either  his  plans  or  his  views.  He 
listened  courteously  to  every  one,  but  what  he 
heard  rarely  changed  his  deliberate  judgment. 
In  the  heat  of  the  contest,  when  upon  his 
decision  or  signature  depended  results  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  powerful  and  persistent 
applicants,  his  manner  of  receiving  them  led 
to  angry  charges  that  he  had  conveyed  false 
impressions  or  been  guilty  of  bad  faith,  but 
no  proof  was  ever  submitted,  and  it  came  to 
be  admitted  that  he  was  simply,  under  the 
most  tantalizing  and  exasperating  conditions, 
always  a  gentleman.  He  was  faultless  in  dress 
and  manners,  whether  in  the  Executive  Cham- 
ber, upon  the  platform  or  in  the  crowd,  but 
this  scrupulous  exactness  seemed  to  enhance 
his  popularity.  He  loved  to  mingle  freely 
with  the  people,  but  he  received  the  like 
kindly  greeting  and  cordial  confidence  from 
workingmen     fresh     from     the     forge,     or     mer- 


s 

42 


SVcUlvasst. 


chants  in  their  parlors  or  counting-rooms. 
When  the  history  of  our  State  comes  to  be 
impartially  written,  Mr.  Fenton  will  be  given 
rank  as  its  best  political  organizer  after  Mar- 
tin Van  Buren.  But  he  possessed  a  magnet 
ism  which  Van  Buren  never  had.  A  most 
tender,  gentle  and  affectionate  nature  shone 
brightly  for  his  friends  through  the  crust  of 
the  mannerisms  of  office  and  policy.  I  have 
met  all  the  public  men  of  my  time  under 
circumstances  sufficiently  close  to  form  some 
judgment  as  to  the  secrets  of  their  power, 
and  he  was  one  of  the  very  few  who  had  an 
eloquent  presence.  His  touch  and  look  con- 
veyed, if  he  pleased,  such  a  world  of  interest 
and  regard,  that  the  recipient,  without  know- 
ing why,  felt  honored  by  his  confidence  and 
encircled  by  his  friendship.  It  was  this  which 
made  it  impossible  to  crush  him  after  repeated 
defeats.  When  he  was  under  the  ban  of 
power,  when  to  act  with  him  was  to  accept 
ostracism,  when  the  office-holder  was  sure  to 
lose  his  place  and  the  ambitious  found  all 
avenues  barred  if  they  followed  his  lead,  he 
came  year  after  year  to  the  annual  convention 
of  his  party  with  such  a  solid,  numerous  and 
aggressive  host  that  it  required  all  the  re- 
sources of  unsurpassed  eloquence,  political  saga- 

4.8 


city  and  the  lavish  prizes  of  patronage  to 
prevent  his  carrying  off  the  victory.  The 
character  and  deeds  which  redound  to  his 
honor  and  will  perpetuate  his  memory,  are 
sources  of  just  pride  for  his  State  and  of 
lasting  pleasure  to  his  friends.  He  was  a 
representative  of  the  people  when  the  most 
vital  questions  affecting  the  welfare  of  the 
human  race  on  this  continent  were  at  issue 
and  the  Republic  in  the  agonies  of  dissolu- 
tion, and  acted  well  the  part  of  philanthro- 
pist, patriot  and  statesman.  He  was  twice 
Governor  of  this  State  at  a  most  critical 
period  in  its  history,  wielding  the  powers  of 
the  Executive  with  wisdom  and  courage,  and 
as  the  leader  of  the  dominant  party  in  the 
Commonwealth,  exercising  a  potent,  but  broad 
and  healthful  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Nation.  He  was  United  States  Senator  dur- 
ing the  fruitful  period  of  the  reconstruction 
of  the  government,  and  left  enduring  monu- 
ments of  his  fidelity  and  ability  as  one  of 
the  architects  of  the  new  era.  As  Congress- 
man, Governor,  Senator,  there  is  no  stain 
upon  his  record,  and  his  public  life  stands 
pure    and    unassailed. 

The     controversies    which     occupied     so    large 
a  part   of   his   life  are   over.      The   causes   which 


44 


%&&xt$$. 


produced  them  have  ceased  to  exist,  and  the 
friends  and  foes  of  that  period  can  fight  over 
the  old  battles  without  rancor  or  passion. 
The  ever-dissolving  and  reuniting  fragments 
of  political  forces  wear  off  by  friction  enmi- 
ties and  jealousies,  and  by  the  recognition  of 
merits  before  unknown  in  our  opponents,  we 
are  all  brought  into  more  harmonious  and 
respecting  relations.  We  can  all  stand  beside 
the  grave  of  Reuben  E.  Fenton,  and  forget- 
ting for  the  moment  our  divisions  and  con- 
tentions, mourn  the  loss  of  one  who  in  his 
day  and  generation  acted  so  well  his  part  as 
private  citizen  and  public  officer,  that  the 
Commonwealth  and  the  country  were  enriched 
by    his    example,    his    character   and    his    work. 

45 


CONCURRENT  RESOLUTIONS 


OF  THE 


SENATE    AND    ASSEMBLY, 


STATE  OF  NEW  YORK: 

In  Senate, 

April  28,  1887. 

Mr.  Vedder  offered  the  following- : 

Resolved  (if  the  Assembly  concur),  That  there  be  printed 
under  the  direction  of  the  Clerks  of  the  Senate  and  Assembly, 
three  thousand  copies  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Legislature, 
and  the  memorial  oration  of  the  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew, 
on  the  death  of  Ex-Governor  REUBEN  E.  FENTON,  for 
the  use  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature,  five  hundred  cop- 
ies for  the  use  of  Mr.  Depew,  five  hundred  copies  for  the 
family  of  the  deceased,  and  five  hundred  copies  for  the  of- 
ficers and  reporters  of  the  Legislature. 


STATE  OK  NEW  YORK:  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK: 

In  Senate,             \  In  Assembly,            / 
April  28,  1887.  (  May  11,  1887.  | 
The    foregoing    resolution   was    duly  The    foregoing    resolution   was    duly- 
passed,  concurred  in. 

By  order  of  the  Senate.  By  order  of  the  Assembly. 

JOHN  W.  VROOMAN,  CHAS.  A.  CHICKERING, 

Clerk.  Clerk. 


Lr»<3^ 


Hill 


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11 
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11 ; 


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